Presentation within the Roundtable “Possibility of Introducing a Proportional Electoral System with Direct Candidate Voting in Serbia: Advantages and Disadvantages”
In 2021, the Free Citizens Movement (PSG) drafted and published its Program for the Reform of the Political System, in which a central pillar is the advocacy for introducing a proportional electoral system with direct voting for candidates.
We do not anticipate instant results from such a process, nor do we expect direct benefits for PSG or the opposition as a whole. Under an authoritarian regime, there are no illusions or overinflated expectations that this specific reform would yield substantial results on its own. Our motivation stems from a different objective: we proposed a package of solutions that strips power from political elites and returns it to citizens, allowing them greater control over political processes than before. We intend to apply this package the moment we are in a position to do so, ensuring that citizens possess the tools to hold us effectively accountable.
Opposition actors are routinely faced with legitimate questions: What do you bring that is different from those who came before you, and what guarantees that you will not act the same way? Given the trajectory of Serbian political life over the past 30 years and the cycle of hopes and disappointments, providing a rational answer that fully satisfies citizens is challenging. The Program for the Reform of the Political System, along with the commitment to institutional self-limitation, represents our attempt to address these dilemmas.
We considered a wide array of potential measures within the political system reform, focusing primarily on mechanisms successfully implemented in advanced Western democracies. The research team relied significantly on documents and empirical studies produced by the Center for Free Elections and Democracy (CeSID). Regarding the electoral system itself, numerous models were evaluated. Internal discussions ranged from retaining proportionality with a single nationwide electoral district and fully open party lists (a system implemented in Kosovo) to establishing multiple electoral districts with direct voting for candidates, and even adopting a pure plurality/majority system. Ultimately, we selected the model under discussion today.
A defining feature of our program is that it remains an open document, subject to amendments and adjustments over time to reflect evolving social and political conditions. The document is also distinct in acknowledging that certain technical solutions were deliberately left open. This deliberate flexibility to determine optimal models exists precisely around the potential vulnerabilities of a proportional system with direct candidate voting—such as ensuring the representation of women and national minorities, as well as defining the precise number and territorial boundaries of electoral districts within Serbia’s specific context.
Regarding quotas for the underrepresented sex, further analysis is required to determine whether quotas should apply exclusively during nomination within electoral districts or also during the final mandate allocation process. The most effective framework appears to be a triple-guarantee system:
- Every list must nominate a minimum of 40% female candidates across electoral districts.
- Of the total mandates won by a list, 40% must be allocated to women who achieved the best relative results in their respective districts.
- If a female MP resigns, her seat must be filled by another female candidate from the same electoral list.
Naturally, the proposed package is not limited solely to electoral system reform. Substantive change requires establishing improved operational frameworks across multiple political institutions simultaneously. We believe the core driver of political monopolization in Serbia is the current method of electing the President of the Republic. The President determines political events across the country; when an individual secures 2 to 2.5 million votes directly under their own name, the resulting concentration of power and unquestioned legitimacy effectively undermines the principle of separation of powers. Parliament has ceased to function as an independent branch of government, having been banalized and marginalized—a systematic process initiated in earlier periods and intensified over the past decade. It is virtually impossible to identify an instance where the parliamentary majority voted against a proposal originating from the executive branch, which effectively operates on instructions from an individual who serves simultaneously as head of state and leader of the ruling party. Consequently, electing the President of the Republic via a qualified majority vote in the National Assembly serves as a necessary, complementary element to a proportional electoral system with direct candidate voting.
Finally, several additional measures proposed by the Free Citizens Movement would fundamentally reshape Serbia’s political system:
- Professionalization of the election administration administration.
- Direct election of mayors and municipal presidents.
- Reform of the election method for local councilors.
- Alignment of the number of local councilors in cities and municipalities with their actual population sizes.
- Strengthening mechanisms of direct democracy.
It is of vital importance that political system reform be approached comprehensively and thoroughly, encompassing institutions and procedures across all levels in a synchronized manner. Implementing an isolated solution in isolation—such as introducing a new electoral system without broader democratization and systemic reforms—would inevitably yield disappointing outcomes.